Literature Review and Conceptyal Framework

Running head: LITERATURE REVIEW 1 Literature Review and Conceptual Framework Juvenile Diversion Programs/IPS Julie I Carter Capella University PSF8374-Currenr Research on Violent Behavior Dr.Rob Hanser LITERATURE REVIEW 2 Literature Review and Conceptual Framework History The history of diverting arrested juveniles from formal processing began with the birth of the juvenile courts. Conceived in the late 19th century, juvenile justice provided for a rehabilitation-based response to juveniles’ illegal behavior.Punitive sanctions being received by youth in criminal courts were being set aside in the juvenile courts. Thus, in its infancy, juvenile justice could be construed as a â€Å"diversion program†. Considered to be in the best interest of the juvenile and society, juvenile justice diverted youth from criminal proceedings by providing dispositions that were more attuned to the potential to change the young offender’s behavior, and lives through clinical servi ces, special rehabilitation programs, and tight educational guidance. (Models, 2010) First adopted by the adult criminal justice system, was the idea of diversion.This idea became the topic of discussion within the juvenile justice system in the 1960’s. The President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice recommended exploring alternatives for addressing the needs of troubled juveniles outside of the court system in 1967. In 76, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Special Emphasis Branch supplied 10 million dollars in funding specifically for the development of diversion programs. These efforts were strictly driven by the belief that these types of programs would yield many enefits, such as allowing juveniles the option to choose an alternative to court, providing more treatment at the community level, increasing family participation, and most important, reducing the â€Å"stigma† associated with the formal juvenile j ustice system. (Models, 2010) As diversion has been practiced and even discussed for nearly four decades, some would contend that there is little consistency in the terms of what actually constitutes a diversion process or program, they do however agree on the common goal among these programs which is to minimize the juveniles’ involvement in the juvenile justice system.LITERATURE REVIEW 3 Theoretical Concepts As measured by program evaluations and follow-up studies, the effectiveness of diversion programs has varied greatly from one program to the next. The successful programs, such as the Intensive Prevention Services (IPS) initiative in Philadelphia, provide very direct services that include but are not limited to parenting education, intensive family counseling, and behavioral contracting.One of the main concepts that gave birth to the development of this program was the labeling perspective. This theory or perspective, if you will, argues that juveniles who commit mino r offences become habitual offenders due to being singled out for negative recognition. This has been noted as creating and reinforcing the juvenile’s, as well as society’s view, that they are criminals. Diversion programming then is designed to assist in avoiding these negative labels that accompany formal case processing. Roberts, 2004) In 1979, Paternoster, et al. explored the extent to which juveniles discriminate between formal court processing that results in incarceration and informal diversion processing with reference to perceptions of accrued stigma and/or liabilities. The perception of the juveniles was measured in terms of school performance; parental relationships, relationships with peers; desired employment, and future involvement with the law. (Blomberg, n. d. The findings indicated only in the peer relationships area was there a notable difference between the perceptions of diverted and incarcerated juveniles. When control was made for the effects of p rior social liabilities, such as social class or race, the results remained constant. Therefore one could conclude that to the extent perceptions of stigma have implications for subsequent behavior, it makes little difference whether or not juveniles receive diversion or formally imposed jail time.In simple terms, the type of treatment would appear to not be significant in shaping self-perceptions. (Blomberg, n. d. ) LITERATURE REVIEW 4 Supporters of diversion continue to argue that programs are less stigmatizing than formal court involvement, provide juveniles with services that they would not have otherwise received, and result in reductions in the rate of recidivism.In contrast, opponents argue that diversion programs have extended social control to juveniles who would ordinarily be released back to the community, may actually increase recidivism, do not prevent stigmatation, and can lead to the disproportionate representation of minorities. As Akers (1994) explains, the labelin g theory pushes forward the thesis that persons who are labeled and/or dramatically stigmatized as deviant, are more than likely to take on a deviant self-identity and become more, rather than less deviant than if they had not been so labeled.Theoretically, a label of deviant, juvenile offender or delinquent can affect the way that a juvenile comes to define him/herself which influences future criminal behaviors, and dictates the social roles the juvenile is allowed to assume. (Dick, Pence, Jones & Geertsen, 2004) With that noted, some research has also suggested that diversion actually increases recidivism, however early studies found little or no difference in the recidivism rates between diverted and non-diverted youth.Yet still others have found that, regardless of the setting, interventions can as well increase â€Å"perceived† labeling and self-reported delinquency among youth. (Elliott, Dunford & Knowles, 1978) What was found to be consistent with the last group of fin ding was the work done latter by Lemet (1981) that suggest that these treatment interventions can impose stigma on juveniles which leads to secondary deviance. This study would be responsible for raising the possibility that diversion programs may widen the net of the state system by taking in juveniles who otherwise may have not come into contact with the system.What is important to point out here is that many of these studies were flawed due to the difficulties researchers encountered when constructing comparison groups for the purpose of evaluation. LITERATURE REVIEW 5 Contemporary Research There have been so many different policies called â€Å"diversion† that the term has come to cover polices as diverse as doing nothing to programs indistinguishable from the existing practices of juvenile justice.While these policies have produced better procedural justice for juveniles, reduced the detained and institutionalized population of juveniles placing them under the jurisdict ion of state and/or local family service agencies, these polices have not resulted in the intended changes in the behaviors of the diverted youth. (Akers & Sellers, 2009) Recent studies on diversion programs have produced more positive results. In fact, in a study of the Detention Diversion Advocacy Project it was found that juveniles that were diverted to diversion programs were less likely than their counterparts to be referred to out-of-home placement. Sheldon, 1999) In Michigan an evaluation of their state diversion project yielded that juveniles that were randomly assigned to one of the several diversion program strategy groups were significantly less likely to have any court petitions filed against them during the two years following release from the program compared to the control group. The results shown here cannot help but suggest that the â€Å"active† hands on intervention provided by diversion programming works better that the normal process of court processing j uvenile offenders. The catch, it works best if they have been thoroughly separated from the system. Davidson, Redner, Blakely, Mitchell & Emshoff, 1987) There is a wealth of evaluations of pretrial diversionary programs, and more comprehensive literature about the pretrial diversion field is dated. One of the critical challenges noted for the criminal justice field is developing and cataloging an appropriate research design for diversion programs. Researchers in the field need to actively pursue this challenge in order to determine the scope, as well as the worth of diversion programming in the criminal justice community. (Bellassai, Galloway.Hubbard, Oeller & Sayler, 2006) LITERATURE REVIEW 6 In Philadelphia, there are several emerging practices in the diversion program initiative. First they have implemented written policies and procedures for diversion programs that are backed by a formal mission statement. This is deemed as critical as a clearly defined and articulated mission statement, goals, and objectives are the cornerstone of effective programs.In a survey conducted by the National Association of Pretrial Services Agencies, nearly 90% of all respondents in their study had written policies and procedures in place. (Bellassai et al. , 2006) Nationwide, pretrial diversion concepts have found increased legitimacy. Nearly all states now have pretrial statues that have either been enacted or updated since 2000, and are as diverse as diversion programs themselves. Diversion program today tend to feature a wider array of programs that are more diverse than their predecessors in practice, and administrative location.However, these programs are still united by the ultimate goal of offering viable alternatives to juveniles whose criminal behaviors are addressed much more effectively outside the realm of traditional case processing. (Bellassai, 2006) Recommendations The biggest challenge to pretrial diversion programs and criminal justice planners is the lack of the strong research that is needed in the field.One accomplishment of such a broad-based study would be the examination of the nature of the relationship with the theory of labeling and the potential synergy within the current problem-solving court model. The benefit here would come as such a study would be enumerable and provide an evidenced-based foundation for communities to make sound decisions about diversion programming. (Bellassai. 2006) LITERATURE REVIEW 7 References Akers, R.L. & Sellers, C. S. (2009) Criminological Theories. New York, NY: Oxford University Press Bellassai, J. , Galloway, K. , Hubbard, A. , Oeller, C. & Sayler, J. (2006) Promising practices in pretrial diversion. Retrieved November 10, 2012 from http://www. ojp. usdoj. gov/BJA/about/index. html Blomberg, T. G. (n. d. ) Widening the net: An anomaly in the evaluation of diversion programs. Retrieved November, 9, 2012 from http://www. criminology. fsu. edu/crimtheory/blomberg/netwidening. html Davidson, W. S. , Redner, R. , Blakely, C. H. Mitchell, C. M. & Emshoff, J. G. (1987) Diversion of juvenile Offenders: An experimental comparison. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 55(1) 68-75 Dick, A. J. , Pence, D. J. , Jones, R. M. & Geertsen, H. R. (2004) The need for theory in assessing peer courts. American Scientist 47:1448-61 Elliot, D. S. , Dunford, F. W. & Knowles, B. A. (1978) A Study of Alternative Processing Practices: An Overview of Initial Study Findings. Boulder, CO: B. R. Institute Models for Change Systems: Reform in Juvenile Justice, July 2010.Retrieved from http://www. modelsforchange. net Paternoster, R. , Waldo, G. , Chiricos, T. & Anderson, L. (1979) The Stigma of Diversion: Labeling in the Juvenile Justice System. Beverly Hills. CA: Sage Publications Roberts, A. R. (2004) Emergence and proliferation of juvenile diversion programs. New York, NY: Oxford University Press Sheldon, R. G. (1999) Detention Diversion Advocacy: An Evaluation. Juvenile Justice Bulletin . Washington, D. C. : U. S. Department of Justice, Office of Juvenile and Delinquency Prevention.

Gender Discrimination Essay

The video is all about the portrayal of comic manual that was released by the United States military in handling situation of homosexuality among its soldiers. The manual is aimed in explaining the necessary steps and procedures in handling homosexual cases to soldiers. It features a particular case of a low rank soldier that was caught to be engaged in a homosexual acts and how his higher command treat him (professionally) towards his discharge because of his engagement in such acts. As the video had shown, the workplace is not a gender-neutral place. This is amplified in the case of a workplace that is considered to have a military orientation as shown in the video. As concluded by Kristen Schilt in the article, in many workplaces, the masculinity of a male is valued that is why feminine males or homosexuals are being undermined and discriminated. Shown in the video, PFC Williams was discharged in the military because of his engagement in the homosexual acts. As stated by Schilt, being a man or masculinity is an attribute that is celebrated in many professions especially in the military. This is because of the association of such attribute to other important characteristics and concepts like authority, prestige and instrumentality that are perceived to be related to highly regarded position such as leaders and managers. In this respect, any form of diversion from masculinity or being a man most especially in the military is discouraged. This drops the idea of a having a free world wherein each individual are respected whoever he or she is. Scenarios like this remind to us that there is still much work to be done for us to attain as situation wherein every individual get the respect that he or she deserve from the society. References MSNBC (n. d. ) Don’t ask, don’t tell: illustrated. The Rachel Maddow Show. Web. Retrieved from [http://www. msnbc. msn. com/id/26315908/vp/38252662#38252662] Accessed 2 August 2010. Schilt, K. (2006) Just one of the guys? How Transmen Make Gender Visible at Work. Gender and Society Vol. 20 No. 4. Sociologists for Women in Society. Print. Accessed 2 August 2010. Williams, C. (1992) The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the Female Professions. University of California Press. Print. Accessed 2 August 2010.

The Laws of Cyberspace – Lawrence Lessig

The Laws of Cyberspace Lawrence Lessig †  Draft 3  ©Lessig 1998: This essay was presented at the Taiwan Net ’98 conference, in Taipei, March, 1998. †  Jack N. and Lillian R. Berkman Professor for Entrepreneurial Legal Stud- ies, Harvard Law School. Thanks to Tim Wu for extremely helpful comments on an earlier draft. Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 Before the revolution, the Tsar in Russia had a system of internal passports. The people hated this system. These passports marked the estate from which you came, and this marking determined the places you could go, with whom you could associate, what you could be.The passports were badges that granted access, or barred access. They controlled what in the Russian state Russians could come to know. The Bolsheviks promised to change all this. They promised to abolish the internal passports. And soon upon their rise to power, they did just that. Russians were again free to travel where they wished. Where they could go was not determined by some document that they were required to carry with them. The abolition of the internal passport symbolized freedom for the Russian people — a democratization of citizenship in Russia. This freedom, however, was not to last.A decade and a half later, faced with the prospect of starving peasants flooding the cities looking for food, Stalin brought back the system of internal passports. Peasants were again tied to their rural land (a restriction that remained throughout the 1970s). Russians were once again restricted by what their passport permitted. Once again, to gain access to Russia, Russians had to show something about who they were. *** Behavior in the real world — this world, the world in which I am now speaking — is regulated by four sorts of constraints. Law is just one of those four constraints.Law regulates by sanctions imposed ex post — fail to pay your taxes, and you are likely to go to jail; steal my car, an d you are also likely to go to jail. Law is the prominent of regulators. But it is just one of four. Social norms are a second. They also regulate. Social norms — understandings or expectations about how I ought to behave, enforced not through some centralized norm enforcer, but rather through the understandings and expectations of just about everyone within a particular community — direct and constrain my behavior in a far wider array of contexts than any law.Norms say what clothes I will wear — a suit, not a dress; they tell you to sit quietly, and politely, for at least 40 minutes while I speak; they or- 2 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 ganize how we will interact after this talk is over. Norms guide behavior; in this sense, they function as a second regulatory constraint. The market is a third constraint. It regulates by price. The market limits the amount that I can spend on clothes; or the amount I can make from public speeches; it say s I can command less for my writing than Madonna, or less from my singing than Pavarotti.Through the device of price, the market sets my opportunities, and through this range of opportunities, it regulates. And finally, there is the constraint of what some might call nature, but which I want to call â€Å"architecture. † This is the constraint of the world as I find it, even if this world as I find it is a world that others have made. That I cannot see through that wall is a constraint on my ability to know what is happening on the other side of the room. That there is no access-ramp to a library constrains the access of one bound to a wheelchair.These constraints, in the sense I mean here, regulate. To understand a regulation then we must understand the sum of these four constraints operating together. Any one alone cannot represent the effect of the four together. *** This is the age of the cyber-libertarian. It is a time when a certain hype about cyberspace has caught on. The hype goes like this: Cyberspace is unavoidable, and yet cyberspace is unregulable. No nation can live without it, yet no nation will be able to control behavior in it. Cyberspace is that place where individuals are, inherently, free from the control of real space sovereigns.It is, in the words of James Boyle, the great techno-â€Å"gotcha† — nations of the world, you can’t live with out it, but nations of the world, when you’ve got it, you won’t live long with it. My aim today is a different view about cyberspace. My aim is to attack this hype. For in my view, the world we are entering is not a world of perpetual freedom; or more precisely, the world we are entering is not a world where freedom is assured. Cyberspace has the potential to be the most fully, and extensively, regulated space that we have ever known — anywhere, at any time in our history.It has the potential to be the antithesis of a space of freedom. And unless we understan d this potential, unless we see how this might be, we are likely to sleep through this transition from freedom into 3 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 control. For that, in my view, is the transition we are seeing just now. Now I want to make this argument by using the two introductions that I began with today — the story about Bolshevik Russia, and the idea about regulation. For they together will suggest where cyberspace is going, and more importantly, just how we can expect cyberspace to get there.First the idea: Just as in real space, behavior in cyberspace is regulated by four sorts of constraints. Law is just one of those constraints. For the hype notwithstanding, there is law just now in cyberspace — copyright law, or defamation law, or sexual harassment law, all of which constrain behavior in cyberspace in the same way that they constrain behavior in real space. There are also, perhaps quite surprisingly, norms in cyberspace — rules th at govern behavior, and expose individuals to sanction from others.They too function in cyberspace as norms function in real space, threatening punishments ex post by a community. And so too with the market. The market constrains in cyberspace, just as in real space. Change the price of access, the constraints on access differ. Change the structure of pricing access, and the regulation of marginal access shifts dramatically as well. But for our purposes, the most significant of these four constraints on behavior in cyberspace is the analog to what I called architecture in real space: This I will call code.By code, I simply mean the software and hardware that constitutes cyberspace as it is—the set of protocols, the set of rules, implemented, or codified, in the software of cyberspace itself, that determine how people interact, or exist, in this space. This code, like architecture in real space, sets the terms upon which I enter, or exist in cyberspace. It, like architecture, is not optional. I don’t choose whether to obey the structures that it establishes — hackers might choose, but hackers are special. For the rest of us, life in cyberspace is subject to the code, just as life in real space is subject to the architectures of real space.The substance of the constraints of code in cyberspace vary. But how they are experienced does not vary. In some places, one must enter a password before one gains access; in other places, one can enter whether identified or not. In some places, the transactions that one engages produce traces that link the transactions 4 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 back to the individual; in other places, this link is achieved only if the individual chooses. In some places, one can select to speak a language that only the recipient can hear (through encryption); in other places, encryption is not an option.The differences are constituted by the code of these different places. The code or software o r architecture or protocols of these spaces set these features; they are features selected by code writers; they constrain some behavior by making other behavior possible. And in this sense, they, like architecture in real space, regulate behavior in cyberspace. Code and market and norms and law together regulate in cyberspace then as architecture and market and norms and law regulate in real space. And my claim is that as with real space regulation, we should consider how these four constraints operate together.An example — a contrast between a regulation in real space, and the same regulation in cyberspace — will make the point more clearly. Think about the concern in my country (some might call it obsession) with the regulation of indecency on the net. This concern took off in the United State early in 1995. Its source was an extraordinary rise in ordinary users of the net, and therefore a rise in use by kids, and an even more extraordinary rise in the availability of what many call â€Å"porn† on the net. An extremely controversial (and fundamentally flawed) study published in the Georgetown University Law Review reported the net awash in porn.Time and Newsweek both ran cover stories articles about its availability. And senators and congressmen were bombarded with demands to do something to regulate â€Å"cybersmut. † No doubt the fury at the time was great. But one might ask, why this fury was so great about porn in cyberspace. Certainly, more porn exists in real space than in cyberspace. So why the fury about access to porn in a place to which most kids don’t have access? To understand the why, think for a second about the same problem as it exists in real space. What regulates the distribution of porn in real space?First: In America, laws in real space regulate the distribution of porn to kids— laws requiring sellers of porn to check the age of 5 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 buyers, or law s requiring that sellers locate in a section of the city likely to be far from kids. But laws are not the most significant of the constraints on the distribution of porn to kids. More important than laws are norms. Norms constrain adults not to sell porn to kids. Even among porn distributors this restriction is relatively effective. And not just social norms.The market too, for porn costs money, and as kids have no money. But the most important real space constraint is what I’ve called architecture. For all of these other regulations in real space depend on this constraint of architecture. Laws and norms and market can discriminate against kinds in real space, since it is hard in real space to hide that you are a kid. Of course, a kid can don a mustache, and put on stilts, and try to enter a porn shop to buy porn. But for the most part, disguises will fail. For the most part, it will be too hard to hide that he is a kid.Thus, for the most part, constraints based on being a ki d are constraints that can be effective. Cyberspace is different. For even if we assume that the same laws apply to cyberspace as to real space, and even if we assume that the constraints of norms and the market carried over as well, even so, there remains a critical difference between the two spaces. For while in real space it is hard to hide that you are a kid, in cyberspace, hiding who you are, or more precisely, hiding features about who you are is the simplest thing in the world. The default in cyberspace is anonymity.And because it is so easy to hide who one is, it is practically impossible for the laws, and norms, to apply in cyberspace. For for these laws to apply, one has to know that it is a kid one is dealing with. But the architecture of the space simply doesn’t provide this information. Now the important point is to see the difference, and to identify its source. The difference is a difference in what I want to call the regulability of cyberspace — the abi lity of governments to regulate behavior there. As it is just now, cyberspace is a less regulable space than real space. There is less that government can do.The source of this difference in regulability is a difference in the architecture of the space — a difference in the code that constitutes cyberspace as it is. Its architecture, my claim is, renders it essentially unregulable. 6 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 Or so it did in 1995, and in 1996, when the U. S. Congress eventually got around to passing its attempt to deal with this problem—the Communications Decency Act. I’m going to talk a bit about what happened to that statute, but I first want to mark this period, and set it off from where we are today.It was the architecture of cyberspace in 1995, and 1996 that made it essentially unregulable. Let’s call that architecture Net 95 — as in 1995 — and here are its features: So long as one had access to Net95, one coul d roam without identifying who one was. Net95 was Bolshevik Russia. One’s identity, or features, were invisible to the net then, so one could enter, and explore, without credentials—without an internal passport. Access was open and universal, not conditioned upon credentials. It was, in a narrow sense of the term, an extraordinary democratic moment. Users were fundamentally equal.Essentially free. It was against this background — against the background of the net as it was — Net95 — that the Supreme Court then considered the Communications Decency Act. Two lower courts had struck the statute as a violation of the right to freedom of speech. And as millions watched as the court considered arguments on the case — watched in cyberspace, as the arguments were reported, and debated, and critiqued. And in June, last year, the Court affirmed the decision of the lower courts, holding the statute unconstitutional. Just why it was unconstitutional isn ’t so important for our purposes here.What is important is the rhetoric that lead the court to its conclusion. For the decision hung crucially on claims about the architecture of the net as it was — on the architecture, that is, of Net95. Given that architecture, the court concluded, any regulation that attempted to zone kids from porn would be a regulation that was too burdensome on speakers and listeners. As the net was, regulation would be too burdensome. But what was significant was that the court spoke as if this architecture of the net as it was — Net 95 — was the only architecture that the net could have.It spoke as if it had discovered the nature of the net, and was therefore deciding the nature of any possible regulation of the net. 7 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 But the problem with all this, of course, is that the net has no nature. There is no single architecture that is essential to the net’s design. Net95 is a s et of features, or protocols, that constituted the net at one period of time. But nothing requires that these features, or protocols, always constitute the net as it always will be.And indeed, nothing in what we’ve seen in the last 2 years should lead us to think that it will. An example may make the point more simply. Before I was a professor at Harvard, I taught at the University of Chicago. If one wanted to gain access to the net at the university of Chicago, one simply connected one’s machine to jacks located throughout the university. Any machine could be connected to those jacks, and once connected, any machine would then have full access to the internet. Access was anonymous, and complete, and free. The reason for this freedom was a decision by the administration.For the Provost of the University of Chicago is Geof Stone, a former dean of the University of Chicago Law School, and a prominent free speech scholar. When the University was designing its net, the tec hnicians asked the provost whether anonymous communication should be permitted. The provost, citing a principle that the rules regulating speech at the university would be as protective of free speech as the first amendment, said yes: One would have the right to communicate at the university anonymously, because the first amendment to the constitution would guarantee the same right vis-a-vis the government.From that policy decision flowed the architectural design of the University of Chicago’s net. At Harvard, the rules are different. One cannot connect one’s machine to the net at Harvard unless one’s machine is registered — licensed, approved, verified. Only members of the university community can register their machine. Once registered, all interactions with the network are potentially monitored, and identified to a particular machine. Indeed, anonymous speech on this net is not permitted — against the rule. Access can be controlled based on who someone is; and interaction can be traced, based on what someone did.The reason for this design is also due to the decision of an administrator — though this time an administrator less focused on the protections of the first amendment. Controlling access is the ideal at Harvard; facilitating access was the ideal at Chicago; tech- 8 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 nologies that make control possible were therefore chosen at Harvard; technologies that facilitate access chosen at Chicago. Now this difference between the two networks is quite common today. The network at the University of Chicago is the architecture of the internet in 1995.It is, again, Net95. But the architecture at Harvard is not an internet architecture. It is rather an intranet architecture. The difference is simply this — that within an intranet, identity is sufficiently established such that access can be controlled, and usage monitored. The underlying protocols are still TCP/IP à ¢â‚¬â€ meaning the fundamental or underlying protocols of the internet. But layered on top of this fundamental protocol is a set of protocols facilitating control. The Harvard network is the internet plus, where the plus mean the power to control.These two architectures reflect two philosophies about access. They reflect two sets of principles, or values, about how speech should be controlled. They parallel, I want to argue, the difference between political regimes of freedom, and political regimes of control. They track the difference in ideology between West and East Germany; between the United States and the former Soviet Republic; between the Republic of China, and Mainland China. They stand for a difference between control and freedom — and they manifest this difference through the architecture or design of code.These architectures enable political values. They are in this sense political. Now I don’t offer this example to criticize Harvard. Harvard is a private institution; it is free, in a free society, to allocate its resources however it wishes. My point instead is simply to get you to see how architectures are many, and therefore how the choice of one is political. And how, at the level of a nation, architecture is inherently political. In the world of cyberspace, the selection of an architecture is as important as the choice of a constitution.For in a fundamental sense, the code of cyberspace is its constitution. It sets the terms upon which people get access; it sets the rules; it controls their behavior. In this sense, it is its own sovereignty. An alternative sovereignty, competing with real space sovereigns, in the regulation of behavior by real space citizens. But the United States Supreme Court treated the question of architecture as if the architecture of this space were given. It spoke as if there were only one design for cyberspace — the design it had. 9 Lessig: The Laws of CyberspaceDraft: April 3, 1998 In this, the S upreme Court is not alone. For in my view, the single greatest error of theorists of cyberspace — of pundits, and especially lawyers thinking about regulation in this space — is this error of the Supreme Court. It is the error of naturalism as applied to cyberspace. It is the error of thinking that the architecture as we have it is an architecture that we will always have; that the space will guarantee us liberty, or freedom; that it will of necessity disable governments that want control. This view is profoundly mistaken.Profoundly mistaken because while we celebrate the â€Å"inherent† freedom of the net, the architecture of the net is changing from under us. The architecture is shifting from an architecture of freedom to an architecture of control. It is shifting already without government’s intervention, though government is quickly coming to see just how it might intervene to speed it. And where government is now intervening, it is intervening in a w ay designed to change this very same architecture — to change it into an architecture of control, to make it, as I’ve said, more regulable.While pundits promise perpetual freedom built into the very architecture of the net itself, technicians and politicians are working together to change that architecture, to move it away from this architecture of freedom. As theorists of this space, we must come to understand this change. We must recognize the political consequences of this change. And we must take responsibility for these consequences. For the trajectory of the change is unmistakable, and the fruit of this trajectory, poison. As constitutionalists, we must then confront a fundamentally constitutional uestion: if there is a choice between architectures of control and architectures of freedom, then how do we decide these constitutional questions? If architectures are many, then does the constitution itself guide us in the selection of such architectures? In my view, c onstitutional values do implicate the architecture of this space. In my view, constitutional values should guide us in our design of this space. And in my view, constitutional values should limit the types of regulability that this architecture permits. But my view is absent in thinking about government’s role in cyberspace.Indeed, my nation — for many years the symbol of freedom in world where such freedom was rare — has become a leader in pushing the architecture of the internet from an archi- 10 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 tecture of freedom to an architecture of control. From an architecture, that is, that embraced the traditions of freedom expressed in our constitutional past, to an architecture that is fundamentally anathema to those traditions. But how? How can the government make these changes? How could the government effect this control? Many can’t see how government could effect this control.So in the few minutes remaini ng in my talk today, I want show you how. I want to sketch for you a path from where we are to where I fear we are going. I want you to see how these changes are possible and how government can help make them permanent. Return then with me to the idea that began this essay — the point about the different modalities of constraint — and notice something important about that idea that we have not so far remarked. I said at the start that we should think of law as just one of four modalities of constraint; that we should think of it as just one part of the structure of constraint that might be said to regulate.One might take that to be an argument about law’s insignificance. If so many forces other than law regulate, this might suggest that law itself can do relatively little. But notice what should be obvious. In the model I have described law is regulating by direct regulation — regulating an individual through the threat of punishment. But law regulates in other ways as well. It regulates, that is, indirectly as well as directly. And it regulates indirectly when it regulates these other modalities of constraint, so that they regulate differently.It can, that is, regulate norms, so norms regulate differently; it can regulate the market, so that the market regulates differently; and it can regulate architecture, so that architecture regulates differently. In each case, the government can coopt the other structures, so that they constrain to the government’s end. The same indirection is possible in cyberspace. But here, I suggest, the indirection will be even more significant. For here the government can not only regulate indirectly to advance a particular substantive end of the government. More significantly, the government can regulate to change the very regulability of the space.The government, that is, can regulate the architectures of cyberspace, so that behavior in cyberspace becomes more regulable — 11 Lessig: The L aws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 indeed, to an architecture potentially more regulable than anything we have known in the history of modern government. Two examples will make the point — one an example of the government regulating to a particular substantive end, and the second, following from the first, an example of the government regulating to increase regulability. The first is the regulation of encryption.The government’s concern with encryption has been with the technology’s use in protecting privacy — its ability to hide the content of communications from the eyes of an eavesdropping third party, whether that third party is the government, or a nosy neighbor. For much of the history of the technology, the American government has heavily regulated the technology; for a time it threatened to ban its use; it has consistently banned its export (as if only Americans understand higher order mathematics); and for a period it hoped to flood the marke t with a standard encryption technology that would leave a backdoor open for the government to enter.The most recent proposals are the most significant. Last November, the FBI proposed a law that would require manufacturers to assure that any encryption system have built within it either a key recovery ability, or an equivalent back door, so that government agents could, if they need, get access to the content of such communications. This is government’s regulation of code, indirectly to regulate behavior. It is indirect regulation in the sense that I described before, and from a constitutional perspective — it is brilliant.Not brilliant because its ends are good; brilliant because the American constitution, at least, offers very little control over government regulation like this. The American constitution offers little protections against the government’s regulation of business; and given the interests of business, such regulations are likely to be effective. My second example follows from the first. For a second use of encryption is identification — as well as hiding what someone says, encryption, through digital certificates, can be used to authenticate who some it.With the ability to authenticate who someone is, the government could tell where someone comes from, or how old they are. And with this ability — through certifying IDs — passports on the information superhighway — governments could far more easily regulate behavior on this highway. 12 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 It would recreate the power to control behavior — recreate the power to regulate. Note what both regulations would achieve. Since the US is the largest market for internet products, no product could hope to succeed unless it were successful in the United States.Thus standards successfully imposed in the US becomes standards for the world. And these standards in particular would first facilitate regulation, a nd second, assure that communications on the internet could be broken into by any government that followed the procedures outlined in the bill. But the standards that those government would have to meet are not the standards of the US constitution. They are whatever standard local government happen to have — whether that government be the government of Mainland China, or Switzerland.The effect is that the United States government would be exporting an architecture that facilitates control, and control not just by other democratic governments, but by any government, however repressive. And by this, the US would move itself from a symbol of freedom, to a peddler of control. Having won the cold war, we would be pushing the techniques of our cold war enemies. *** How should we respond? How should you — as sovereigns independent of the influence of any foreign government — and we, as liberal constitutionalists respond?How should we respond to moves by a dominant poli tical and economic power to influence the architecture of the dominant architecture of regulation by code — the internet? Sovereigns must come to see this: That the code of cyberspace is itself a kind of sovereign. It is a competing sovereign. The code is itself a force that imposes its own rules on people who are there, but the people who are there are also the people who are here — citizens of the Republic of China, citizens of France, citizens of every nation in the world. The code regulates them, yet they are by right subject to the regulation of local sovereigns.The code thus competes with the regulatory power of local sovereigns. It competes with the political choices made by local sovereigns. And in this competition, as the net becomes a dominant place for business and social life, it will displace the regulations of local sovereigns. You as sovereigns were afraid of the competing influence of na- 13 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 tions. Yet a new nation is now wired into your telephones, and its influence over your citizens is growing. You, as sovereigns, will come to recognize this competition. And you should come to recognize and question the special ole that the United States is playing in this competition. By virtue of the distribution of resources controlling the architecture of the net, the United States has a unique power over influencing the development of that architecture. It is as the law of nature were being written, with the United States at the authors side. This power creates an important responsibility for the United States — and you must assure that it exercises its power responsibly. The problem for constitutionalists — those concerned to preserve social and political liberties in this new space — is more difficult.For return to the story that began this talk — the world of internal passports. One way to understand the story I’ve told today about cyberspace is in li ne with this story about the Tsar’s Russia. The birth of the net was the revolution itself; life under Net95 was life in Bolshevik Russia (the good parts at least, where internal passports were eliminated); the Net as it is becoming is Stalin’s Russia, where internal passports will again be required. Now there’s a cheat to that story — a rhetorical cheat that tends to obscure an important fact about real space life.For we all live in the world of internal passports. In the United States, in many places, one cannot live without a car; one can’t drive a car without a license; a license is an internal passport: It says who you are, where you come from, how old you are, whether you’ve recently been convicted of a crime; it links your identity to a database that will reveal whether you’ve been arrested (whether convicted or not) or whether any warrants for your arrest in any jurisdiction in the nation are outstanding. The license is the in ternal passport of the modern American state.And no doubt its ability to control or identify is far better than the Tsar’s Russia. But in the United States — at least for those who don’t appear to be immigrants, or a disfavored minority — the burden of these passports is slight. The will to regulate, to monitor, to track, is not strong enough in the United States to support any systematic effort to use these passports to control behavior. And the will is not strong enough because the cost of such control is so great. There are not checkpoints at each corner; one isn’t required to register 14Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 when moving through a city; one can walk relatively anonymously around most of the time. Technologies of control are possible, but in the main far too costly. And this costliness is, in large part, the source of great freedom. It is inefficiency in real space technologies of control that yield real space libert y. But what if the cost of control drops dramatically. What if an architecture emerges that permits constant monitoring; an architecture that facilitates the constant tracking of behavior and movement.What if an architecture emerged that would costlessly collect data about individuals, about their behavior, about who they wanted to become. And what if the architecture could do that invisibly, without interfering with an individuals daily life at all? This architecture is the world that the net is becoming. This is the picture of control it is growing into. As in real space, we will have passports in cyberspace. As in real space, these passports can be used to track our behavior. But in cyberspace, unlike realspace, this monitoring, this tracking, this control of behavior, will all be much less expensive.This control will occur in the background, effectively and invisibly. Now to describe this change is not to say whether it is for the good or bad. Indeed, I suggest that as constitut ionalists, we must acknowledge a fundamental ambiguity in our present political judgments about liberty and control. I our peoples are divided in their reaction to this picture of a system of control at once perfect, and yet invisible. Many would say of this system — wonderful. All the better to trap the guilty, with little burden on the innocent. But there are many as well who would say of this system — awful.That while professing our ideals of liberty and freedom from government, we would have established a system of control far more effective than any in history before. So the response to all this is not necessarily to give up the technologies of control. The response is not to insist that Net95 be the perpetual architecture of the net. The response instead is to find a way to translate what is salient and important about present day liberties and constitutional democracy into this architecture of the net. The point is to be critical of the power of this sovereignâ €”this emerging sovereign—as we are properly critical of the power of any sovereign.What are these limits: As government takes control or influences the architecture of the code of the net, at a minimum, we 15 Lessig: The Laws of Cyberspace Draft: April 3, 1998 must assure that government does not get a monopoly on these technologies of control. We must assure that the sorts of checks that we build into any constitutional democracy get built into regulation by this constitution — the code. We must assure that the constraints of any constitutional democracy — the limits on efficiency constituted by Bills of Rights, and systems of checks and balances — get built into regulation by code.These limits are the â€Å"bugs† in the code of a constitutional democracy — and as John Perry Barlow says, we must build these bugs into the code of cyberspace. We must build them in so that they, by their inefficiency, might recreate some of the protection s we have long known. *** Cyberspace is regulated ? by laws, but not just by law. The code of cyberspace is one of these laws. We must come to see how this code is an emerging sovereign — omnipresent, omnipotent, gentle, efficient, growing — and that we must develop against this sovereign the limits that we have developed against real space sovereigns.Sovereigns will always say — real space as well as cyberspace — that limits, and inefficiencies — bugs — are not necessary. But things move too quickly for such confidence. My fear is not just that against this sovereign, we have not yet developed a language of liberty. Nor that we haven’t the time to develop such language. But my fear is that we sustain the will — the will of free societies for the past two centuries, to architect constitutions to protect freedom, efficiencies notwithstanding. 16

Firstly develop a comprehensive and detailed model of ways in which Essay

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Examine the nature of popular protest in South Africa between 1969 and Coursework

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Refutation paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

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'Sound business models are a necessary component in a healthy visual Essay

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What is leadership ability Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

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Advanced audit Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4000 words

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Delima Case Aummary Essay Example for Free

Delima Case Aummary Essay Delima Enterprise was founded in 1981 by Encik Zayed. It conducted trading and supplying related products including manpower supplies to the oil and gas industries. In 2004, the enterprise was incorporated as Delima Enterprise Sdn. Bhd. Encik Zayed as the Managing Director and his wife Puan Hashimah as the Chief Operating Officer managed the company. The other personnel were Puan Balqis as the Operation Manager and Encik Salam as the Human Resource and Administration Manager. Both of them were family members of Encik Zayed and Puan Hashimah with only secondary school background and likewise Encik Zayed and Puan Hashimah. As the company was incorporated as Delima Enterprise Sdn. Bhd. the company expand their business operation into provision of engineering services. Their mission was to become a leading service contractor and provide quality and excellent services. In May 2006, the company had employed Cik Amy as Finance Executive. She was responsible for maintenance of the accounting and financial matters, including the preparation of accounts. Subsequently, in May 2006, the company had secured a contract worth RM 750,000 to be implemented a duration of six months. However, due to shortage of funds, the company had submitted applications to Maybank and CIMB Bank Berhad for banking facilities totaling RM 1 million. The banks required the company’s Audited Financial Statements for the last two years. This was when Encik Zayed realized that the company had never been audited. Therefore, his friend had introduced an audit firm and shortly after, Aziz Co. was engaged to perform audit and to be completed as earliest as possible to meet the bank’s requirement.

Literature Review On Leadership Effectiveness Management Essay

Literature Review On Leadership Effectiveness Management Essay In the previous chapter it was discussed the purpose and reason for this investigative study on leadership effectiveness and its possible mediating affects on subordinate job satisfaction. The chapter will critically review the literature characterised the ideas and topics surrounding: This chapter will seek to critically review the literature surrounding: General concepts and models that have been developed discussed on leadership, competences and job satisfaction Influence of competences on the style of leadership Influence of leadership style on subordinate job satisfaction By reviewing existing literature will aid in highlighting, indentifying and discussing factors of a critical nature thus allowing sound understanding when taking the influences of competences on leadership style and its ripples on subordinate job satisfaction, if any. The contents of this literature review will dispense: A definition and explanation of leadership through the use of academic principles, conceptualization and models where suited. Complimented with competences profiling and subordinate job satisfaction when introduced. The critical evaluation will look at key authors and their insights in the areas of leadership styles and competences. To observe areas which have been the focal points of interest based on the topics being acknowledged, research will be made on leadership style and impact on subordinate job satisfaction. Based on what has been revealed whilst reviewing literature will allowed what has been learnt and to pin any hypostasis by what has been viewed. (Please note that some of these paths may and may not follow suit to allow for consistency) Leadership The concept of leadership has had multi attempts to define and evolve what leadership is more often or not proving to be an enigma for theorists and practitioners. These attempts have grown from fields such as management, psychology, ideology, anthropology and sociology. With so much attention Burns (1978) described the matter by stating that leadership is one of the most observed and least understood phenomena on earth (p. 2). Having been numerous attempts in defining the meaning for the term leadership, this has resulted in taking many interpretations. Stogdill (1974, citied in Northouse, 2007, Pg 2) pointed out in a review of leadership research, there are almost as many different definitions of leadership as there are people who have tried to define it. In Stogdills Handbook of Leadership that was revised and expanded by Bass in (1981) highlighted different definitions and conceptions of leadership had previously been reviewed briefly by Morris and Seeman (1950), Shartle (1951a,b , 1956), L.F. Carter (1953), C. A. Gibb (1954, 1969a), and B. M Bass (1960). This is only a small numerical amount compared to Crainer (1995 cited in Mullins 2007, pg363) that it is claimed there are over 400 definitions of leadership and it is a veritable minefield of misunderstanding and difference though which theorists and practitioners must tread warily. At best of times theoretical perspectives define the concepts being views as a trait, behavioural style, the manipulation of individuals and groups derived through interaction, influence to gain followers and the situation in which its attended. The constant upheaval of leadership suggests that many investigators see leadership as a key structural beam for organisational effectiveness and its influences on the performance; OEs arent just segmented to monetary turnover but a measure of a dependant variable that is employee job satisfaction (Robbins, 2003). Traits Theory of Leadership From the 1930s the trait theory of leadership have been under Jerry et al (1984) , Wexley et al (1984), Smelser et al (2002) Moran et al (2007) Behavioral Theories of Leadership Michigan Ohio Situational Theories of Leadership The theory of situation leadership primary principle distinguishing leadership effectiveness in an particular situation and also what leadership style is most suited to be active in that situation. Most, if not all situational theory hinges on that the style of leadership obtained by a manager should acknowledge sets of circumstances: Management elements such as competencies, personalities and drive Employee elements such as needs derived from personalities, drive and skills Group effectiveness such as task, structure and development Organisational procedures such as standards, rules, power and timing The idea of situational leadership have recognisable and influential models that circulate around this phenomenon, these are indentified as: Fiedlers Model Contingency Houses Model of Path-Goal Fiedlers Contingency Model Fieldler (1967) based his theory on explaining that two variables that have a direct impact the performance of a group. These two variables are widely known as style of leadership and situational favourability. Fiedler (1967) asserted that the most profound leadership trait and situational favourability is distinguished by their similarity that causes the effectiveness of a leader. When leadership trait is said; it is the personality that causes relationship-oriented or task-oriented leader. Fielders contingency theory has come under criticism like most theorists do. The criticism came from the likes of Ashour (1973) Vecchio, (1977) (1983) which suggest the method of measuring the variables and the empirical research conducted were insufficient in allowing for the theory to have any validly. Such an observation is farcical simply because Fiedler has spent years tuning and perfecting his well established and used theory. Houses Path-Goal Model House (1971) based his theory from Vrooms expectancy theory. House (1971) suggests in order for a leader to motivate its subordinates by a way of two means firstly to recognise between individual subordinate needs and an organisations goal(s) by understanding the relationship between the two factors and secondly the leader must state and ease the chosen course not only for the organisational goal(s) but as well as fulfilling their own individual needs. Houses path-goal theory is very much influenced on situational characteristics. Thus allowing its ability to predict the effects it has on behavioural structuring. House also suggests the expectancies and motivations in subordinates are created through the behaviour of the leader this in turn would create job satisfaction by subordinates recognising their capabilities and the weight they perceive their job would get results. Drenth et al (1998) raised a number of criticisms regarding the path-goal theory they asserted that Houses theory doesnt cultivate the collective members as a whole based on behaviour and performance. Secondly they highlight the relationship between leadership behaviours and the group may be heavily influenced by environmental interactions. Lastly it is suggested that when empirical studies are conducted using the path-goal theory most enthusiasts use standardised leadership styles to measure the variable of effectiveness. Morden Management LEADERSHIP COMPETENCIES AND SKILLS JOB SATISFACTION Fulfilment Theory Discrepancy Theory Equity Theory Herzbergs Two-Factor Theory Focal Theoretical Research Burns, J. M. (1978). Leadership. New York: Harper Row. Robbins, S.P, (2003). Organisational Behaviour. 10th Ed. Pearson Education, New Jersey Jerry, L., Gray, A., Starke, F. (1984). Organizational behaviour: Concepts and applications. New York: A Bell and Howell Co. Inc. Wexley, K, N., Yukl, G. A., (1984). Organizational behaviour and personnel psychology. US: Richard D Irwin Smelser, N, J., Baltes, P, B., (2002) International encyclopedia of the social behavioral sciences. Oxford: Elsevier Inc Moran, R. T., Harris, P,R.,, Moran, S. V., (2007) Managing cultural differences: global leadership strategies for the 21st century 7th ed. Oxford: Elsevier Mullins, Laurie J. (2007) Management and organisational behaviour / Laurie J. Mullins . 8th ed. . Harlow : Financial Times Prentice Hall Northouse, P, G., (2007) Leadership Theory and Practice 4th ed. United Kingdom: Sage Publications. Bass, B, M., (1981) Stogdills Handbook of Leadership Revised and expanded Edition. New York: The Free Press Gordon, J. R. (1987). A diagnostic approach to organizational behavior. New York: Allyn and Boston Fiedler, F. E. (1967) A Theory of Leadership Effectiveness, New York: McGraw-Hill. Vecchio, R. P. (1977) An Empirical Examination of the Validity of Fiedlers Model of Leadership Effectiveness, Organizational Behavior and Human Performance 19: 180-206. Vecchio, Robert P (1983) Assessing the Validity of Fiedlers Contingency Model of Leadership Effectiveness: A Closer look at Strube and Garcia, Psychological Bulletin 93: 404-8 Ashour, A. S. (1973) The Contingency Model of Leadership Effectiveness: An Evaluation, Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 9(3): 339-55. Lawler, E. E., III (1973). Motivation in work organizations. Brooks/Cole Publishing Company: Monterrey, CA. Locke, E. A. (1969). What is job satisfaction? Organizational behavior and human performance. In E. E. Lawler (1973). Motivation in work organizations. Brooks/Cole Publishing Company: Monterrey, CA. House, R, J., A Path-Goal Theory of Leadership Effectiveness, Administrative Science Quarterly, vol. XVI(1971), 321-38 Drenth, D J P., Thierry, H., De Wolff, J, C., 1998 A Handbook Of Work And: Organizational Psychology united kingdom Psychology Press Ltd

Accurate Drainage Network Extraction From Satellite Imagery

Accurate Drainage Network Extraction From Satellite Imagery Ferdousi Khatun 1, Pratikshya Sharma1 Computer Science and Engineering Department, Sikkim Manipal Institute of Technology Majhitar, Sikkim Abstract. The extraction of the drainage hydrographical network is a key for various types of study such as hydrological analysis, geomorphology, environmental science, terrain analysis and still a research topic in the field of GIS. Drainage network are extracted through satellite image (e.g. Digital Elevation Model (DEM)) processing, contour map processing and raster map processing. Due to the advances in satellite imagery high resolution DEM are captured by many satellite recently. The DEMs is advantageous over toposheet because it provide consistent data with global coverage. Accurate drainage extraction from DEMs is used for hydrological analysis, morphometric analysis, terrain analysis and many other area as DEM provide the fastest path to extract feature. This paper provides the evolution of satellite imagery and accurate drainage network extraction process for various application namely geomorphometric analysis, hydrologic analysis, terrain analysis etc. also describe the ste ps involved to extract drainage stream network from DEM an up-to-date process. Keywords: DEM, ASTER-GDEM, SRTM, Cartosat 1 DEM 1 Introduction Water is the main and most important component on earth surface and drainage pattern is the essential hydrologic, geomorphologic element for analysis. Drainage pattern is a network that is generally formed by the waterbodies, lakes, streams, and rivers in a particular drainage basin which is also known as drainage system or river system. It has many application area like hydrologic modelling of micro watershed, groundwater prospect zone mapping, geomorphometric parameter analysis, water resource planning and management, flood hazard prediction and mitigation, river pattern change detection ,irrigation management etc. field. But drainage pattern extraction on flat surface and less complex terrain is still in research topic. The traditional process of generating the drainage map is from toposheet or contour map that depict the large scale detail of a geographic space. Generally it contains five layer of information, river and waterbody as blue color, road as red, forest as green, conto ur as brown and a black color for text feature. However, channel networks extraction from topo maps require tedious time, and cartography expert needed to provide subjective decision. In brief the steps to extract drainage from contour map is aerial element removal, linear element extraction to produce linear feature map, thinning, dilation, color segmentation and generate segmented layer map [1]. But generation of separate layer map has a limitation it will only work on digital contour map or historical map or high quality toposheet because poor quality toposheet suffer from false color aliasing and mixed color problem. Also available toposheet are old publication 10-20 years back. River pattern also change their position in some places due to landslide, flood or many natural phenomenas thus accurate drainage network is not provided by toposheet [2]. The satellites are capable of producing advanced digital elevation data(e.g., Shuttle Radar Topographic Mission -SRTM-, Interferometr ic Synthetic Aperture Radar for Elevation -IFSARE-) , Advanced Spaceborne Thermal Emission and Reflection Radiometer Global Digital Elevation Model(ASTER GDEM V2), Cartosat -1 (Cartosat DEM 1.0), Synthetic Aperture Radar(SAR) etc. so analysis became easier. Early satellite technology does not able to capture the DEM directly so for hydrologic and geomorphologic analysis DEM was generated from various satellite like QUICK BIRD,IKONOS, Landsat tm etc.[3].The most widely used satellite imagery ASTER-GDEM,SRTM-DEM etc. are freely provided by USGS(http://earthexplorer.usgs.gov/) site with 1,3 arc second spatial resolution and Cartosat-DEM is provided by ISRO(http://bhuvan.nrsc.gov.in/bhuvan_links.php) and used for analyzing the data for various study. The above mention satellite has their specific configuration and suitable for either mountain area, flat surface, medium complex terrain area for accurate river network extraction. The accuracy of ASTER GDEM SRTM -DEM and is almost same [4] . In some cases Cartosat 1 DEM better sound than SRTM DEM for extracting drainage. DEMs with higher resolution provide detailed drainage networks that has greater impact on the drainage map analysis as statistical values become lower when resolution of DEM changes from fine to rude [5]. 1.1 Evaluation of Satellite Imagery for Drainage Extraction DEM plays a crucial role for generating drainage network. In past years the DEMs were available at a global coverage in a 1 KM resolution like GTOPO-30(Global Topography in 30 arc sec).After that Shuttle SRTM ,version 4,C-band DEM of 90m resolution and the ASTER (version 2, 30 m resolution) was launched that provide better resolution which solves the problem regarding spatial resolution. The hydrology analysis became easier in INDIA after launch of Cartosat DEM (version 1) at 30 m in 2011.These data are openly accessible and easily downloaded from USGS and ISRO website. Various purchased stereo-images from Cartosat 1,landsat 7 ETM+,QuickBird,IKONOS,SPOT,SAR are used for generating the DEM using software and can be applied for hydrologic analysis[6],[7],[8],[9][10].Lot of studies is going on hydrological analysis and geomorphometric analysis from DEMs. In India most research is done best on DEM for river basin analysis, estimation of soil loss, water resource evaluation and topographi c characterization[11],[12],[13],[14].The high resolution DEMs provide finer extraction of land surface component like drainage network, slope facets and higher accuracy than a toposheet.The morphometric parameter are heavily depend upon the scale of the feature extrcated.Research is going on which satellite provided imagery is relevant for accurately extract the stream network in various surface area like mountain, flat surface, less complex terrain area.In some cases SRTM is very good for drainage analysis[15],[16]. For accuracy assessment the complete elevation criterion is more focused and less importance given to how the various morphometric variables that are derived, vary from one dataset to the other, as well as how their prepared maps differ. 1.2 Importance of Drainage Network in GIS Drainage means the deportation of surplus water from a given place. In geomorphology and hydrology a Drainage pattern is a network that is generally formed by the waterbodies, lakes, streams, and rivers in a particular drainage basin. They are depend on topography of the land. The shape, size, number of the drainage basins found in an area vary with the topography. A drainage system are of six different type namely Dendritic Drainage, Parallel Drainage, Trellis Drainage, Radial Drainage, and Rectangular Drainage and Deranged Drainage. In hydrological studies, geomorphological analysis DEMs are primary element for catchment boundary, delineation of watershed boundary, estimation of various catchment parameters such as slope, contours, aspects, etc. and morphometric attribute like no of tributaries, stream order, stream length, bifurcation ratio, relief ratio etc. By examining various hydrological and morphological parameter the irrigation management department supply water in dry weat her for agriculture crop production, water resource management department, flood hazard zone prediction and mitigation department, drainage management department are being very beneficial in recent year. 1.3 Review of Drainage Extraction Methods The mesh network of attached stream pertaining to a land is the river pattern or drainage pattern. These network formation is mainly depend on the morphological aspect of the terrain i.e. slope, varied resistance of rocks and geology and topology of the land. When a DEM is consider for drainage network extraction, the main steps are (1)fill depression,(2)flow direction,(3)flow accumulation and (4)stream network generation. A DEM is the representation of land elevation in digital form that are mainly stored as a rectangular matrix with integer or floating-point values. Among various algorithm the DEM pixels computation is based on D8 method that is first introduced by OCallaghan and Mark (1984)[17].But this algorithm has some derelictions. As per D8 algorithm single flow direction is calculated by comparing the elevation of its 8 neighboring cells where the cells with higher elevations flow towards adjacent cells with lower elevation as the water flow from high elevation to low due to gravity. However parallel flow lines generation in flat areas is the restriction of formation of concentrated channel flow and is a vital limitation of D8 method. The most important problem while delineating stream network using DEM is the presence of sinks, for flat area and depressions it is difficult to set the ends of stream network and the flow direction assignment in individual cells. Thus for accurate extraction the sinks are removed from DEM in the first step. In 1988 an new developed algorithm is introduced by Jensen and Domingue to remove the sinks prior to the flow directions calculation by increasing the elevation value of nodes within each depression pixel to the level of the lowest node on the depression boundary. Next A new method to calculate the upslope areas using rectangular grid DEM and representation of flow directions is introduced known as D-infinity where the direction of flow is not restricted to check its 8 adjacent cells[18].Some research is also done based on multipath flow direction but it is time consuming and more manual effort required for calculation[19][20].To improve the existing method a path based methods to resolve the nondispersive drainage flow direction in grid based DEM is introduced. It improved the D8 a few extent but fails to eliminate local level bias [21]. Over the past 20 years, many improved method based on routing flow through pits and flats have been introduced. The technology developed and the drainage is extracted bas ed on heuristic information. An innovative algorithm is presented by W. Yang and co -authors in 2010 based on heuristic information that accurate extract the drainage network but fails to detect unrealistic parallel drainage lines, unreal drainage lines and spurious terrain features and has a closer match with the existing pattern [22]. More recently in 2012 Mr.Magalhaes have proposed a very simple and innovative approach where the DEM is considered as island and the outside water level raises step by step until the whole DEM is submerged. So gradually it flood the cells of the DEM, next filling the depression and spread it on flat to flow towards a neighbor if that neighbor has a assigned direction of flow that does not point back to the early visited cell. In such manner, the flow direction assignments grow iteratively into flat surfaces from areas. After that flow direction is calculated and accumulation flow is generated that is the final step of stream network generation or dra inage network computation [23].In 2013 a flooding algorithm is proposed by Antonio et.al to extract the drainage on flat surface and able to works on unprocessed DEMs avoiding the problems caused by flats and pits, able to extract watercourses with a width greater than one cell and identify fluvial landforms such as marshes, lakes or river islands that are not directly managed by most of previous solutions[24]. 1.4 Literature Survey Research is going on which satellite imagery provide the accurate result for drainage extraction. DEMs provide us a digital representation of the continuous land surface. Advanced remote sensing technologies (e.g. SRTM, ASTER-GDEM, Cartosat 1.DEM etc.) are capable of generating new elevation data and freely availbale.High resolution DEM provide accurate drainage extraction. During past 20 years many satellite generated imagery is used to extract the drainage pattern and examined on various terrain like mountain area, medium complex terrain and flat surface. But the accurate extraction which is very essential for hydrologic and morphological analysis is still lacking some feature.Gajalakshmi K. and Anantharama V. recently analyses the accuracy between Cartosat 1 DEM and SRTM DEM.As per experiment in gradually undulating terrain, elevation values of Cartosat-DEM are lower than SRTM-DEM. whereas the stream parameter values of Cartosat-DEM are higher than SRTM-DEM[25]. Sarra Ouerghi et.a l. comparers the ASTER-GDEM and SRTM DEM for drainage extraction. The analysis found that ASTER GDEM is more pronounced in flat and less complex terrain [26]. Sample drainage network represented in fig 1.4. Fig 1.4. Stream networks derived from Topo DEM, ASTER GDEM, and SRTM [26] Table 1. Summary of Survey SL No Title Description Remarks 1 Water Body Detection and Delineation with Landsat 5 TM Data. Landsat 5 TM + imagery used to map river line waterbody and compared with Aerial image. Manual classification of Landsat imagery and Aerial imagery. Error in image registration occur. 2 DSM generation and evaluation from QuickBird stereo imagery with 3D physical modeling. QuickBird stereo imagery is used for generating the DEM and 5m contour generation and drainage pattern extraction. Manual process to prepare DEM Automatic extraction missing. Resolution high but time consuming process. 3 Cartosat-1 derived DEM (CartoDEM)towards Parameter Estimation of Microwatershed and Comparison with ALTM DEM. Cartosat-1 and ALTM DEM is compared for drainage pattern extraction and Microwatersheds parameter analysis in MadhyaPrades. Suitable for Mountain area but not suitable for plain area.Saveral steps required to process the DEM and extract the data. 4 Assessment of extraction drainage pattern from topographic maps based on photogrammetry Aerial Image and four toposheet is processed for drainage mapping and compare the both. Satellite imagery accurately extract drainage, some drainage is missing in toposheet. Several image processing steps required to extract pattern from satellite image. 5 A GIS based approach in drainage morphometric analysis of Kanhar River Basin, India. ASTER-DEM,Landsat ETM+,SOI toposheet for morphometric analysis All morphometric parameter has not been introduced. 2. Conclusion The extraction of drainage networks can be done form of contour map, raster map or DEMs.The satellite provided DEMs are very efficient to extract the drainage network in all terrain because the satellite gives the up-to-date changes happen on earth surface like change position of river network, new waterbody etc. feature is capture via highly sensitive sensor present in satellite. Thus less time required to extract the pattern from satellite provided DEM.Survey found that automatic extraction is accurately extract the pattern rather than topographic map with less error. The Cartosat 1 DEM is very useful for mountain area, SRTM and ASTER-GDEM is suitable for medium and flat surface where terrain is less complex. References: Tiange Liu Qiguang Miao Pengfei Xu Jianfeng Song Yining Quan. : Color topographical map segmentation Algorithm based on linear element eatures. Springer Journal,Multimedia Tools and Application, Volume 75, Issue 10, (2016)5417-5438 Samih B. 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